史話》與李光耀談「九二共識」（李慶平）

圖爲新加坡前總理李光耀。（美聯社資料照片）

2000年5月20日，民進黨陳水扁就任中華民國總統，他宣佈「四不一沒有」大陸政策，即不宣佈獨立，不改變國號，不推動兩國論入憲，不推動改變現狀的統獨公投，沒有廢除《國統綱領》及國統會的問題。中國大陸的迴應是「聴其言，觀其行」。2006年6月27日下午，陳水扁在總縂府接見美國亞洲基金會㑹長傅勒博士（Willian Fuller）等人，表示新政府願意接受海基、海協兩會，92年的「一箇中國，各自表述」共識，但大陸方面卻不承認有這項共識。當晚總統府高層指出，陳水扁的立塲與520、620演說一致，不代表總統接受「一箇中國原則」。

6月28日時任陸委會主委蔡英文，再於晚間舉行緊急記者會，澄清指出，陳水扁有關「一箇中國」問題談話，與620記者會上，在精神上、內容上是一致的。「一箇中國，各自表述」是我方用來描述九二年㑹談過程的用語，兩岸從來沒有對「一箇中國的原則」有共識。

陳水扁的談話及蔡英文的澄清，是當時兩岸重大事件，影響相當深遠，因陳水扁政府的大陸政策否定了「九二共識」的存在，使兩岸原有的互信基礎動搖，而海基會、海協會也因此停頓了8年的協商。

2000年11月初，中國國民黨吳伯雄副主席將於11月17日，以私人身分率團到福建龍巖參加「世界客屬大會」，吳副主席特邀我與張榮恭、李建榮隨團前往參訪。消息在報上刊登後，引起新加坡駐臺北辦事處的重視，因這是1949年以來，中國國民黨副主席第一次參訪大陸，雖然是以私人身分參訪，仍具有一定的義意。另「九二共識」的原委，新加坡有關方面，也想了解真實情況，因這些原因，新加坡駐臺北辦事處許國豐代表在11月初與我見面，邀請我赴新加坡與李光耀資政會面。當時我的工作是中國廣播公司總經理。

11月10日下午5時45分，我在新加坡總理公署與李光耀資政會面，新加坡外交部官員王澤雄陪同會見。李資政非常親切的接待，並告知今天是以新加坡官方語言英語，爲雙方會談語言。

首先我表明，能有機會來拜會一位世界𠎀出而重要的政治家，是本人至高的榮幸，同時感謝新加坡政府在1993年4月，「辜汪會談」在新加坡舉行時，給與我方代表團的協助。因那時我擔任海基會副秘書長，參加了「辜汪會談」，並負責與新加坡外交部聯繫。

我攜帶了胡志強先生擔任外交部長時，我外交部印發的有關「一箇中國」的說帖及剪報，送給李資政參考。

我向他說明今年11月17日，我將隨同中國國民黨吳伯雄副主席，以私人身分赴大陸參加在福建龍巖舉辦的「世界客屬大會」，但不排除與大陸高層有會面的機會。我的判斷不外乎，要談如何重建兩岸關係及如何對推動黨與黨的交往工作，交換意見。2001年中國國民黨智庫將與大陸方面的智庫專家，學者，進行學術性的研討㑹。

我向李資政說明，我方海基會在1992年11月3日，奉陸委會指示，正式函海協會，關於一箇中國原則，我方建議「以口頭聲明的方式各自表達」，同一天海協會孫亞夫副秘書長以電話告知海基會陳榮傑秘書長，「我會充分尊重並接受貴會的提議」，11月16日海協會電傳一份重要函件，正式接受我方的建議，「以口頭聲明方式，表達一箇中國的原則」。

11月17日下午4時，當時的陸委會黃昆輝主委召集兩會高層會議，決定暫時不覆函，但指示我（時任海基會副秘書長）代表海、陸兩會，在陸委會新聞發佈室召開記者會，說明我方的立場。

在與數十位媒體記者見面時，我說明「對海協會11月16日的來函，願接受我方的建議，以口頭聲明，各自表達方式，表示歡迎。但我方認爲雙方對此一問題的立場，原則，在香港會談已各自表達過了，不需要約定同一時間表達」。12月3日海基會致函海協會，關於口頭聲明的具體內容，是根《國統綱領》及國統會對有關「一箇中國」的涵意所做決議加以表達。

我向李資政說明中國國民黨對「一箇中國」的立場，「一箇中國」是指1912年成立的中華民國，我們承認1949年中國分裂爲兩個部分，一是臺灣地區，一是大陸地區，中國目前處於和平統一的過程中，將來的中國，我們是希望一個民主、自由、及繁榮的中國。即使1999年7月9日李前總統發表「特殊的國與國關係」，當時陸委會主委蘇起，在7月底發表的大陸政策白皮書中，仍強調我方願在「一箇中國，各自表述」的共識下，敦促大陸方面恢復協商。

我向李資政說明，1992年12月3日以後，中國大陸對「一箇中國，各自表述」並無異議。所以在這個基礎上，1993年4月，雙方能在新加坡舉行「辜汪會談」。但1995年6月李前總統訪美國乃爾大學發表演說以後，中共推遲兩會的協商，並認爲「一箇中國，各自表述」的應用，是兩會之間的事，臺灣方面做了擴大解釋，把「一箇中國，各自表述」推到國際領域。

不過2000年11月2日，前經濟部長王志剛等人赴北京訪問，見到國臺辦陳雲林主任。陳雲林的看法，是可以接受「一箇中國，各自表述」，但不同意蔡英文的「各自表述，一箇中國」，並說明不承認是中國人，那中國人不打中國人的承諾基礎就沒有了。這時李資政說「這是對臺灣的警告啊！」

有關臺灣對大陸的投資，我向李資政說明，11月10日臺灣報紙報導，我政府證實臺灣對大陸投資以達700億美元，李資政說，將來會更多。

此時李資政問我，爲什麼陳水扁總統講話常常改變？我向他說明了我個人的看法，這可能是陳總統的個性有關。他在做臺北市長後，也有同樣的情形。這時李資政也告訴我，中共領導人講話是非常嚴謹的，他們領導人講話是由下而上，在由上而下，反覆多次會商後定調，定調後，不輕易改變，若有改變是具有重大意義。李資政認爲，陳水扁總統曾說，「統一不是唯一的選項」，這對臺灣非常危險。

李資政詢問，國民黨有無在拿回政權的可能？我的答覆是，最近連戰主席，宋楚瑜主席及郝龍斌主席成立在也聯盟，明天（12日）他們要再一次會務，談細節問題，這是好的開始。李資政說，在野聯盟是對付陳水扁的（指對陳水扁罷免案），將來是否要合作，還是看不出來，也是兩回事。我的答覆，三黨負責人能首次見面，是一件不容易的事，一般推測，三個在野黨的合作，可能在兩年以後，沒想到現在就已實現。

我與李資政會面談了35分鐘，給了我深刻的印象，新加坡雖然面積不大，但在亞洲及世界舞臺上，皆有一席之地。新加坡的領導人，無論過去及現在，皆重視兩岸關係的發展，因爲這會影響到整個亞洲的安全與發展，也影響新加坡的國家利益。

李光耀資政爲了解「九二共識」的真相，請我到新加坡與他會面，聆聽我的陳述，並交換意見，新加坡領導人認真的態度，實事求是的精神，值得敬佩。

（作者爲前海基會副秘書長、前中廣公司總經理）

英文原文：

Talk to Lee Kuan Yew on the "92 Consensus"

Lee Ching Ping ,Deputy Secretary-General of Strait Exchange Foundation, former General Manager ,China Broadcasting Corporation）Published on October 6, 2015 in the U.S. World Journal

On May 20, 2000, the Democratic Progressive Party Chen Shuibian took office as President of the Republic of China. He announced the "Four Nos, Ones and Nos" mainland policy, that is, not to declare independence, not to change the national title, not to promote the two-state theory into the constitution, and not to promote the change of the status quo. The National Unification and Independence referendum did not abolish the National Unification Program and the National Unification Council. Mainland China’s response is "to listen to what you say and watch what you do." On the afternoon of June 27, 2006, Chen Shui-bian met with Dr. Willian Fuller, the head of the Asia Foundation of the United States, and others at the General Office. "One China, each statement“,but the mainland does not recognize this consensus. At the same time, the senior officials of the Presidential Office pointed out that Chen Shui-bian’s ritual was consistent with the 520 and 620 speeches, and it did not mean that the president had accepted the "one China principle."

On June 28, Tsai Ing-wen, then chairman of the Mainland Affairs Council, held an emergency press conference in the evening to clarify that Chen Shui-bian’s talk on the "One China" issue at the 620 press conference was spiritual and content. Consistent. "One China, each statement" is our term used to describe the process of the 1992 talks. The two sides of the strait have never reached a consensus on the "one China principle."

Chen Shui-bian’s remarks and Tsai Ing-wen’s clarification were major events on both sides of the strait at that time and had far-reaching impact. Because the mainland policy of the Chen Shui-bian government denied the existence of the "1992 Consensus", the original foundation of mutual trust between the two sides of the strait was shaken. As a result, the Association Relations Across The Taiwan Straits（ARATS）suspended the negotiations with SEF for eight years.

In early November 2000, Vice Chairman Wu Boxiong of the Chinese Kuomintang will lead a delegation to Longyan, Fujian in his personal capacity to participate in the "World Hakka Conference" on November 17. Vice Chairman Wu specially invited me, Zhang Ronggong, and Li Jianrong to accompany the delegation to visit。After the news was published in the newspaper, it attracted the attention of the Singapore Office in Taipei, because this was the first visit to the mainland by the vice chairman of the Chinese Kuomintang since 1949. Although the visit was in a private capacity, it still had a certain degree of significance. In addition, the reason for the "92 Consensus", the relevant parties in Singapore, also want to know the real situation. For these reasons, the representative of the Singapore Office in Taipei Xu Guofeng met with me in early November and invited me to go to Singapore to meet with Lee Kuan Yew. At that time, my job was the general manager of China Broadcasting Corporation.

At 5:45 pm on November 10, I met with Senior Minister Lee Kuan Yew at the Prime Minister's Office of Singapore, accompanied by Wang Zexiong, an official from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Singapore. I received very cordially and informed that today is Singapore’s official language, English, as the language of the talks between the two parties.

First of all, I would like to state that it is my honour to have the opportunity to meet an important politician in the world. At the same time, I would like to thank the Singaporean government for the Assistance with our delegation. At that time, I served as the deputy secretary-general of the SEF, participated in the "Koo-Wang Talks" and was responsible for contacting the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Singapore.

When I brought Mr. Hu Zhiqiang as former Minister of Foreign Affairs, the post and newspaper clippings about "One China" issued by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of my country were sent to Mr. Li for reference.

I explained to him that on November 17 this year, I will accompany Vice Chairman Wu Boxiong of the Chinese Kuomintang to the Mainland in a private capacity to participate in the "World Hakka Conference" in Longyan, Fujian, but I do not rule out the opportunity to meet with the mainland high-level officials. My judgment is nothing more than to talk about how to rebuild cross-strait relations and how to exchange views on promoting party-party exchanges. In 2001, the Chinese Kuomintang think tank will conduct academic discussions with think tank experts and scholars from the mainland.

I explained to Senior Minister Li that on November 3, 1992, under the instructions of the Mainland Affairs Council, the SEF formally wrote to the ARATS. Regarding the one-China principle, we suggested that we should "express each one in a verbal statement." The Deputy Secretary-General Sun Yafu of the ARATS informed the Secretary-General Chen Rongjie of the Straits Foundation by phone, "ARATS will fully respect and accept your proposal." On November 16, the ARATS faxed an important letter to formally accept our proposal. , "To express the one-China principle in an oral statement."“But during the talkson cross-straits administrative affairs betwen ARATSand SEF ,the political implications of ‘the one China principle’shall not be touched on”

At 4 pm on November 17, Huang Kunhui, then chairman of the MAC, convened a high-level meeting of the two organitions and decided not to respond to the letter for the time being, but instructed me (the then deputy secretary-general of the SEF) to represent the two organizations in the Mainland. In the press conference room, a press conference was held to explain our position.

When meeting with dozens of media reporters, I stated that "to the ARATS’ letter of November 16th, I would like to accept our suggestions and express our welcome in a verbal statement. However, we believe that both sides have expressed this. The position and principle of this issue have been expressed separately in the Hong Kong talks, and there is no need to agree to express them at the same time." On December 3, the Straits Foundation wrote to the ARATS that the specific content of the oral statement was expressed in accordance with the "National Unification Program" and the National Unification Council's resolution on the meaning of "one China".

I explained to Senior Minister Li the position of the KMT on "One China". "One China" refers to the Republic of China established in 1912. We recognize that China was split into two parts in 1949. One is the Taiwan region and the other is the Mainland China region。

China is currently in the process of peaceful reunification. In the future, we hope for a democratic, free, and prosperous China. Even though former President Lee published "Special State-to-State Relations" on July 9, 1999, Su Qi, the chairman of the Mainl…

（《美國世界日報》2015年10月6日刊載）